Monday, February 15, 2010

International observers also agree

Strengthening of democratic institutions would be equally crucial. Sarath Fernando, moderator of the Movement of Lands and Agriculture Reform, told TSI, “A country needs strong democratic institutions for confidence building. We are no exception.” A strong independent media is the need of the hour. One of the conflict’s casualties has been an independent press that can openly criticise both the parties without any fear of retribution. Sri Lanka’s ranking in a press-freedom index has slid in recent years as prominent journalists critical to both the Rajapaksa political family and the LTTE have been assaulted, threatened and even killed.

The campaign promises have been rather positive. Parties, openly chauvinistic in the past, talked about reconciliation this time around. However, the process of reconciliation depends on what the winner actually does in office. Although constitutional reforms to end marginalisation look a far cry, small positive indications from the regime will definitely help bolster harmony. “Harmony is the priority. Reconciliation is a big word. We need sustained rational regimes to achieve that,” adds Sarweshwaran.

International observers also agree with this line. The roots of the decades-long conflict — social, economic and political imparity — needs to be done away with. If left unaddressed, Tamil humiliation and frustration could well lead to militancy again. Says, Chris Patten, the co-chairman of the International Crisis Group who is working continuously in Sri Lanka since several months, “Sinhalese-dominated political parties should make strong moves toward a more inclusive and democratic state. The onus lies on Tamil parties too. However, as in any democracy, it is the majority that leads the way.”

And at the end, it is remains to be seen whether Ponnambalam Ramanathan can return to Vavuniya and work successfully and unhindered as a carpenter. Given his background, many enemies will be lurking in the shadows.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Friday, February 5, 2010

Party & ideology over nation

Here are five important reasons why:

Party & ideology over nation


Most will remember the visceral and unflinching manner in which Prakash Karat and his fellow comrades opposed the nuclear deal between India and the United States. During the official visit of George Bush to India, they even forgot courtesy while abusing and heckling him (one wonders how many people would have been killed in police firing if demonstrators had abused and heckled Chinse Supremo Hu Jintao during a hypothetical state visit to Kolkata?) But not many will remember that Marxists like Basu always blamed India more than China for the 1962 debacle. Just consider this: The CPI, mentored by the Soviet Union, supported the Emergency because Indira’s India was a Soviet ally; the CPI(M) opposed it vehemently because China was not very fond of Indira’s India. Of course, both supported the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and kept quiet on the Chinese invasion of fellow Marxist state Vietnam in 1979. Under Jyoti Basu, West Bengal always gave more importance to ideology over public interest. Anything that the United States did was wrong, sinful, imperialistic and evil. Anything that the former Soviet Union and China did was far above criticism. This was all right till the 'ideology over national and public interest' line was largely symbolic. But, it had terrible consequences for the state when dogma invaded realpolitik and started affecting the lives and livelihoods of millions of citizens. Mercifully for India, voters now seem far less swayed by ideology and identity politics than they were in the recent past; that perhaps was the biggest message sent out by voters during the 2009 general elections when both the CPI(M) and the BJP were humiliated and humbled.

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IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Tuesday, February 2, 2010

Specialised MBAs are now coming up in various sectors


So MBA specialisations as such in IT are not required. But domain related specialisation is needed; for instance, in retail and banking (since the IT sector divides itself based on industry verticals). The IT industry historically has always struggled to find domain specialists.” The one major problem is related to the fact that the concept (of having an IT-MBA with a specialisation in a particular niche domain) in India is relatively new and standards haven’t really been set. Ravi Shankar B, Senior Vice President and HR-Head, India Operations, HCL, elaborates, “In terms of one feedback, quality of faculty is lacking. Faculty should have also worked in the industry. That makes sense. It’s a learning curve for MBA institutes.” So if institutes are using the same faculty and course structure in their general MBA courses to teach specialised courses, the education they impart may not be of the desired quality that a specialised MBA course deserves.

This is not that quite different from American MBA courses, which believe in offering more and more elective subjects as well as offering specialised MBA courses, all at the same time. For example, the Wharton MBA programme has the maximum electives – over 200 – for any MBA programme in the US. Students can take specialisations in electives ranging from Urban Fiscal Policy, Health Care Field, Urban Real Estate Economics, Probability Modelling in Marketing et al. At the same time, as of date, Wharton offers four different joint MBA programmes with specialist colleges within the Pennsylvania University – Lauder MBA (specialisation: foreign language), JD MBA (in law), MBA in Healthcare Management and MBA in Environmental Studies. But then, Wharton has the wherewithal, infrastructure and a global brand image. Can Indian B-schools match that?

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Monday, February 1, 2010

The 'quality' icon find a way to emerge as a powerhouse

"With rising rural sales and the approaching launch of the compact car, we believe that setting up dealerships in small towns is viable," asserts TKM’s General Manager (Sales), Sailesh Shetty. The company’s move of expanding its dealership network is rightfully supported by the launch of its small car as it''ll be then easily available to the consumer.

Nakagawa explains, “The aim of attaining the double-digit market share is closely related to the launch of the small car and once that happens, I believe we will be there before the target time.” It’s not Toyota alone which is going gung ho on the Indian compact car market; rivals like Ford, GM and Renault are also planning their respective small cars in the country around the same period. GM India will be launching their much-awaited Beat by early 2010 and same is the case with Ford Figo which was recently showcased in the country in the presence of Alan Mulally, President, Ford Motor Company. Time is definitely not on Toyota’s side, as the small car market has already got extremely crowded; and the company has no brand equity in this segment at all. GM has in fact strategised better than Toyota in this regard, with launches like Spark and U-VA. Moreover, the increasing competition in the SUV market may also pose a threat to the cushy position of TKM. In addition to the reloaded Endeavour from Ford’s stable, companies like Skoda, Hyundai, Volkswagen and Audi are going very bullish on the success of the Indian SUV market and have lined products to get their share of this pie. “The Indian SUV market still accounts for very low volumes as compared to passenger cars and will see a boost in the demand in the near future,” avows Pawan Goenka, President (Automotive), Mahindra & Mahindra.

Skoda is aiming to drive its Yeti into the Indian geographies by the first half of 2010. Similarly, Audi Q3, BMW X1 and Nissan Murano are expected to follow suit soon.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Monday, January 25, 2010

“Differential lending will facilitate food security...”

Farm credit industry has seen transformation, but changes are on the way

Currently, farm credit is being delivered, besides informal money-lenders, by institutional agencies viz. commercial banks, Regional Rural Banks and Co-operatives. The money-lenders supply a little less than half of the total borrowings of farmers mostly for consumption purposes including conspicuous consumption. The share of private local area banks is yet to assume significant proportion in farm credit. There are also recently entered micro-finance institutions (MFIs) and their numbers have been proliferating. The high rate of interest ranging from 15-50 % charged by the MFIs generally make them unsuitable for farm credit as the average rate of return on investment in agriculture may be around 15-20 %. More recently, the emergence of corporate finance, primarily in financing agri-machinery has been observed. Of all sources, institutional credit, is still the predominant source of credit.

By virtue of a central government mandate, the credit flow to agriculture more than doubled from Rs.869.8 thousand crore in 2003-04 to Rs.2.29 lakh crore in 2006-07. This reflected the view that farm credit is indeed productive. But in 2008, the same government announced a Debt Waiver and Debt Relief Scheme writing off loans worth Rs.73 thousand crore. This implied ex-post sterility of farm credit.

The biggest challenge before farm credit from institutional sources has always been the increase in outreach, i.e. timely availability of farm credit in adequate amount to a large section of disadvantaged farmers. Right from the time of independence, institutionalisation of farm credit has been the prime objective and yet in practice there is a tardy process lingering on the exclusion of a large number of small, marginal and sub-marginal farmers. Credit also has a strong tendency to perch on where it is relatively safe and shy away from the risky rainfed regions that constitute around 60% of the total cultivated area. Since most of the farmers currently borrowing from financial institutions are located in irrigated areas, the challenge before institutional credit is to increase its outreach in the rainfed and dry regions in keeping with the technological leverage in these areas.

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IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Saturday, January 23, 2010

Lost in the jungle

The Forest Rights Act has been in place for three years, but its implementation continues to be stuck in a haze of conflicting signals. A TSI exclusive

The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, commonly known as the Forest Rights Act, came into force in the winter of 2006. Three years on, its implementation is still embroiled in seemingly intractable differences in perception among those whose rights the Act is designed to protect – tribal and other forest dwellers – and the government and industry.

Last week, a senior official of the Madhya Pradesh forests department – this official is in line to take over as state chief secretary – sent a proposal to the Union environment ministry suggesting that multinational companies be granted a 90-year lease on forest land and be made accountable for their upkeep. His argument is that MP is fast losing its forest cover and needs to do something drastic to reverse the process.

Even as Union minister for environment Jairam Ramesh is set to place the proposal before the Union Cabinet for the latter’s approval, influential sections of the MP Congress leadership is opposing the move. MP Congress Committee spokesman Pramod Kumar Tandon has pointed out that the forest land proposed to be leased to the MNCs is worth Rs 2000 crore and surrendering the rights would amount to a sell-out.

In Kolkata, Jnanpith Award-winning writer Mahasweta Devi described the proposal as “a calculated and dangerous move”. She told TSI: “It seems to be in line with the demands of the global capital lobby to grab the natural resources in India. We have to move immediately against the sinister design of the multinationals. I would exhort the tribals to fight any such move.”

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IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Friday, January 22, 2010

Obama needs to be cautious and should let Sana'a deal with al-Qaeda on Yemeni soil

On the other hand, its regime is following the Al Capone maxim of “Gun and nice words” with the home grown version of al-Qaeda. It has acknowledged an open confrontation against al-Qaeda, which has been emerging powerfully since January 2009 when the Yemeni limb fused with the Saudi to form the so-called ‘al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’ (AQAP). The US and the UK is teaming up to facilitate Yemen, which is faced with an armed uprising in the north and greater-than-ever separatist attitudes in the south. And, it has started showing results. “The latest strike that killed several al-Qaeda members was in coordination between Yemen, US and other Arab nations. It has left them confused and has deterred tribesmen, who were gradually been enticed by them,” said Obaid al-Jamhi, a Sana’a-based expert on terror tactics, while talking to TSI.

However, Yemen’s President Ali Abdullah Saleh has also sent clear signals that he is willing to talk to al-Qaida members who have laid their arms and suggested that he might offer them the same kind of clemency as he has done with other militants in the past. This cautious approach of Yemen is justified amid worries over a probable backlash in a nation where antagonism against the US is common.

It is to avoid the West-trained Yemeni Special Forces troops that were posted in the eastern sectors where most of the operators are holed-up and are trying to provoke the most traditionalist tribes against America and “the traitor Yemeni regime”, who have launched a “Crusade” against them. Also, thousands of Yemenis are battle-hardened veterans of previous “Jihads” in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Chechnya and Iraq, and although they are busy with their lives right now, it won’t come as surprise if they join ranks with al-Qaeda in response to attacks.

Experts suggest that if the West involves itself directly, then the present strength of al-Qaeda will increase to millions from the current 400-odd operatives. It is not for nothing that they say in Yemen, “Ya Gharib Kun Adib”. That means "A foreigner should be well-behaved."

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Wednesday, January 20, 2010

OmiGod, it’s Chatur!

With two nominations for the Screen Awards already, Indian-American actor Omi Vaidya reminisces the chamatkar experience in India…

Working in the first Bollywood film...


The crew was welcoming. In Hollywood, it is just so different. Very impersonal – here’s your contract, sign it; that’s your vanity van, stay in it; here's your scene, shoot it. There is complete separation between the big stars and the small actors. But here it felt like a family. Now I’m just worried about how I will go back to my old work setting.

Working with the stars of Bollywood…

Directors can be so tense and get so worked up, but Raju is an absolute delight – relaxed and open to suggestions. He encouraged the crew to stay together to feel comfortable and confident at work.

I have seen Aamir’s “Dil” and “Lagaan”. I knew he is a big star but being born and brought up in the USA, I was not a part of the frenzy. This also helped me in my acting where I was just Chatur and he was just Rancho.

Getting into the character’s skin...

I was told to immediately stop learning Hindi, to stop watching Hindi movies and to start gaining weight. To be like Chatur, I had to constantly keep reminding myself about what the character was – one who desired success and was brash about it.

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IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

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Saturday, January 16, 2010

Tale of irrevocable faith

Despite dire warnings to the contrary, Hyderabad's Owaisi family continues to command the support of the Old City, writes Naresh Nunna

In the recent Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC) polls, voters of the old city reposed faith in the All- India Majlis-e-ittehadul Muslimeen (MiM). Of the 150 municipal divisions, the Congress, despite the YSR sympathy wave, won 52. TDP, at 45, performed surprisingly well. But MiM won 43 divisions, belying projections. It has reached an understanding with the Congress to share the mayoral post in the last two years of the stipulated five-year term. In the previous civic poll held in 2002, of the 100 divisions, MiM had 36 corporators and Congress 21. The TDP had 22 corporators and the BJP 15. This time analysts had predicted an erosion in MiM's old city vote bank.

MiM is synonymous with the Owaisis. When the government of the newly-formed Hyderabad state, after police action in Nizam’s province, wanted to abolish the ‘bankrupt’ Majlis Party Moulana Abdul Wahed Owaisi, father of Sultan Salahuddin Owaisi, took over the reins. He was jailed for ten months. So Salahuddin stepped into politics at an early age. Owaisi emerged as “Salar-e-Millat” (commander of the community). His political ‘mission’ spanned for more than four decades till he passed the mantle to his elder son, Asaduddin Owaisi, in 2004.

Salahuddin was MLA from 1962 to 1984 and also briefly the Speaker of the Andhra Pradesh Assembly. He represented Hyderabad LS constituency for six consecutive terms from 1984 to 2004. Asaduddin, a barrister, was an MLA from the old city for ten years before becoming an MP in 2004. Asad’s younger brother, Akbaruddin Owaisi, is also an MLA for the last 10 years from the Chandrayanagutta constituency of the old city.

During the 1996 general elections, Mohamed Amanullah Khan of the MiM rebelled against Salahuddin, threatening to cut the Owaisis down to size. Khan lost his deposit. Salahuddin defeated senior BJP leader Venkaiah Naidu by a margin of 74,000 votes. But, post-2004, there was a spurt in criticism of the MiM, owing to its ‘elitism’.

“The Owaisi family, that had an autocratic grip over the MiM and over the flow of power and resources, began to be conceived as leaders of rich Hyderabadi Muslims. The MiM is said to have contributed hugely towards creating a class divide within the Muslims of Old City. Some poor Muslims did not get medical treatment or school admissions in their community institutions because powerful community leaders served the interests of upper class Muslims,” a local CPI(M) leader told TSI, while seeking to explain the reasons for the penetration of the Communists into the lanes and by-lanes of the Old City to serve the poor Muslims, ‘orphaned’ by the MiM.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative

Wednesday, January 13, 2010

9/11 terrorist attack

Supporters of the American worldview call it an attack on the free world. America’s detractors label it as “chicken come to roost”. Whatever, the incident changed global polity forever. As planes crashed into the twin towers and the Pentagon headquarters, people all over the world watched in horror and scattered applause. While Uncle Sam marched on to punish whoever he thought ‘God’ held responsible, the common man of the world’s greatest power understood that they too were vulnerable. Neo-cons and born- again patriots started formulating strategy to up their ante; on the other hand, the liberal segment started serious retrospection on the American foreign policy that brought war to their doors. And as US took on al-Qaeda, the domino effect was seen in every possible corner of the world.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative