Journalist-turned columnist Amit Sarbadhikari said, “Such kind of understanding between the Congress and the Trinamool is very much possible. But in that case, both the parties have to carry the same weight. If they secure nearly the same number of seats, then Pranab Mukherjee can be a contender for the post of chief minister. But honestly, will the people of West Bengal accept such a formula? People, who want to bring ‘parivartan’ and who hit the streets, want to see her in control of Writers’ Building'. Secondly, if Pranab Mukherjee becomes the chief minister, he would have to bank upon mostly on Congress leaders like Deepa Dasmunshi, Abdul Mannan etc who have not really proven their worth.
Noted theatre personality Bibhas Chakraborty has been in the forefront of the anti-CPI(M) movements in recent years, since the Singur and Nandigram days. He told TSI, “As a citizen, I do cast my vote for one party or the other. But, a citizen’s responsibility in India ends there. The winning party or alliance will elect its leader who will go on to become the chief minister. So, where is people’s or citizen’s role in the process? A citizen or a voter has no chance to elect ministers. That’s why I feel no urge to comment on this matter. But recently, Mamata Banerjee herself has said that Pranab Mukherjee might be the next chief minister. If she and her allies win the race, they can elect Pranab Mukherjee as their leader.”
An analysis of the political situation in post-2011 Assembly polls in West Bengal will reveal that such an arrangement might be good for the state. The state has been caught in a spiral of political violence with all parties including the Maoists having a blood feast. In that light, Mamata assuming chief ministry can lead to unprecedented violence on part of the CPI(M), which will no doubt spark off unforeseen counter-violence by Trinamool activists and the state administration. Pranab Mukherjee scores handsomely here as he has personal equations with most prominent CPI(M) leaders and can tackle the situation more tactfully. Mamata and her party’s position on the Maoists have been pretty ambiguous from the start. She has always made amply clear that she does not see eye-to-eye with Union home minister P. Chidambaram’s assessment of the Maoist situation and his counter measures. Mukherjee will have greater synergy with the Central view. But this logic gets grounded on the premise that a power-sharing alliance is more likely to be governed by common minimum programmes and agendas than by the personal opinions of the leaders of the dispensations. The industrialist lobby of West Bengal as well as those who have invested in the state will heave a sigh of relief if Mukherjee assumes power at Writers’ Building. Mamata, in her capacity as railway minister, may have tried to overhaul her image as a pro-development politician but the memories of Singur and Nandigram are still afresh in people’s minds. Political observers also believe that the astute and experienced Mukherjee will be better placed to deal with the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha about the situation arising in the Darjeeling Hills in the north of the state.
Noted theatre personality Bibhas Chakraborty has been in the forefront of the anti-CPI(M) movements in recent years, since the Singur and Nandigram days. He told TSI, “As a citizen, I do cast my vote for one party or the other. But, a citizen’s responsibility in India ends there. The winning party or alliance will elect its leader who will go on to become the chief minister. So, where is people’s or citizen’s role in the process? A citizen or a voter has no chance to elect ministers. That’s why I feel no urge to comment on this matter. But recently, Mamata Banerjee herself has said that Pranab Mukherjee might be the next chief minister. If she and her allies win the race, they can elect Pranab Mukherjee as their leader.”
An analysis of the political situation in post-2011 Assembly polls in West Bengal will reveal that such an arrangement might be good for the state. The state has been caught in a spiral of political violence with all parties including the Maoists having a blood feast. In that light, Mamata assuming chief ministry can lead to unprecedented violence on part of the CPI(M), which will no doubt spark off unforeseen counter-violence by Trinamool activists and the state administration. Pranab Mukherjee scores handsomely here as he has personal equations with most prominent CPI(M) leaders and can tackle the situation more tactfully. Mamata and her party’s position on the Maoists have been pretty ambiguous from the start. She has always made amply clear that she does not see eye-to-eye with Union home minister P. Chidambaram’s assessment of the Maoist situation and his counter measures. Mukherjee will have greater synergy with the Central view. But this logic gets grounded on the premise that a power-sharing alliance is more likely to be governed by common minimum programmes and agendas than by the personal opinions of the leaders of the dispensations. The industrialist lobby of West Bengal as well as those who have invested in the state will heave a sigh of relief if Mukherjee assumes power at Writers’ Building. Mamata, in her capacity as railway minister, may have tried to overhaul her image as a pro-development politician but the memories of Singur and Nandigram are still afresh in people’s minds. Political observers also believe that the astute and experienced Mukherjee will be better placed to deal with the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha about the situation arising in the Darjeeling Hills in the north of the state.
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